Tag Archives: Gerald Ford

LBJ Created the Sham Warren Commission, Full of JFK Haters, 55 Years Ago Today

Fearful that an honest investigation (several were being discussed) of his predecessor’s assassination, just a week before, would reveal his involvement, Lyndon Johnson, on November 29, 1963, created the Warren Commission. We now know that this commission was a fraudulent enterprise meant to cover up the truth, not expose it. The following excerpt from my book–JFK and the End of America–addresses the matter:

Of all the things the mainstream media overlooked in the wake of the assassination, one of the most blatant indicators of Lyndon Johnson trying to cover his tracks was his cunningly shrewd selection of Warren Commission members. Republicans were in the majority, and nary a liberal was to be found, unless we count Earl Warren.  As its titular head, Warren imbued the panel with an integrity it did not deserve; he had a reputation for progressive values and was despised by the extreme right-wing.  Johnson saw his appointment as a way to appease liberals and Kennedy loyalists.  But Warren was a reluctant appointee, and he rarely showed up for any of the hearings.  The meat of the commission work was performed by Kennedy haters.

Johnson appointed just two Democrats—Richard Russell and Hale Boggs—both southerners who had opposed JFK’s domestic agenda especially in the area of civil rights. This is a polite way of saying that even the Democrats on the Commission were not Kennedy admirers.  It is easy to forget that the Democratic party in the early 1960s was evenly split between conservatives and liberals.  Southern Democrats were nearly unanimously right-wing ideologues; much the same way that Republicans are today.  Many of them, like John Connally and Strom Thurmond, switched their party affiliation from Democrat to Republican when the domestic strife of the ‘60s caused politicians to choose sides that more closely identified with their policies.  Today southern Democrats are as rare as southern Republicans were in 1963.  The point is, Johnson could rely on his Dixiecrat friends to avoid digging too deeply into the ugly truths of who really planned and executed the murder of a President for whom they bore no love.  Still in all, despite their political opposition to JFK, Russell, Sherman Cooper (Republican) and Boggs had misgivings about the commission’s findings that a single bullet struck both Kennedy and Connally.  Not until John McCloy came up with compromise language did the three dissenters acquiesce to the others’ magic-bullet charade.  But Russell, according to author Gerald McKnight, never understood the full ramifications of conceding to McCloy.  McKnight writes that, “Because of Russell’s chronic absenteeism he never fully comprehended that the final report’s no-conspiracy conclusion was inextricably tied to…the single-bullet theory.240 Cooper may have been similarly oblivious—he attended barely half the meetings.  Boggs’ attendance was also sporadic, but his dissent appeared to disturb the commission’s hierarchy more than others.  He was bugged and followed by the FBI for years, and he vehemently objected to J. Edgar Hoover’s Gestapo tactics.  (Boggs’ post-Warren Commission troubles and his mysterious disappearance are addressed in a later chapter.)

Over the life of the commission, it was three of the Republicans who exerted the most influence on the eventual whitewash: Allen Dulles, Arlen Specter (Dulles’s intrepid and ambitious lawyer) and Congressman Gerald Ford.  Specter expertly badgered and discredited hostile witnesses (read, witnesses who had knowledge of conspiratorial activity) and concocted the magic-bullet scenario which allowed the commission to frame the dead patsy for the crime.  Because of the time constraints inherent in a frame count of the Zapruder film, Oswald had only six seconds to fire three shots, and two of them—the complete miss and the head shot—were already accounted for.  That left just one bullet to do the rest of the damage.  Specter’s strained contrivance took care of that problem for the plotters.  One bullet, he said, despite all evidence to the contrary, entered the President’s back, exited his throat, entered Connally’s back, broke his wrist, tore through his ribs, landed in his leg, and came out on a Dallas stretcher in pristine condition.  No one but Specter saw this as an even remotely logical occurrence; still it exists in the official record today, despite the fact that no bullet fired in the history of the world has ever duplicated this feat, and despite the fact that no Parkland medical personnel saw a rear entry wound on the President’s body.  The Bethesda doctors did see a rear entry wound, but the wound was too low on the President’s back to have exited his throat.  The only way that wound could have been made was by body alterationists in transit from Parkland to Bethesda.  The body alterationists created a wound that couldn’t be easily accounted for.  Specter tried, but he needed a big assist from Gerald Ford to complete the sham.

www.amazon.com/dp/1948260085

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LBJ Stacked the Warren Commission With Kennedy Haters to Cover His Tracks

[The following is an excerpt from JFK and the End of America: Inside the Allen Dulles/LBJ Plot that Killed Kennedy.]

Of all the things the mainstream media overlooked in the wake of the JFK assassination, one of the most blatant indicators of Lyndon Johnson trying to cover his tracks was his cunningly shrewd selection of Warren Commission members. Republicans were in the majority, and nary a liberal was to be found, unless we count Earl Warren.  As its titular head, Warren imbued the panel with an integrity it did not deserve; he had a reputation for progressive values and was despised by the extreme right-wing.  Johnson saw his appointment as a way to appease liberals and Kennedy loyalists.  But Warren was a reluctant appointee, and he rarely showed up for any of the hearings.  The meat of the commission work was performed by Kennedy haters.

Johnson appointed just two Democrats—Richard Russell and Hale Boggs—both southerners who had opposed JFK’s domestic agenda especially in the area of civil rights. This is a polite way of saying that even the Democrats on the Commission were not Kennedy admirers.  It is easy to forget that the Democratic party in the early 1960s was evenly split between conservatives and liberals.  Southern Democrats were nearly unanimously right-wing ideologues; much the same way that Republicans are today.  Many of them, like John Connally and Strom Thurmond, switched their party affiliation from Democrat to Republican when the domestic strife of the ‘60s caused politicians to choose sides that more closely identified with their policies.  Today southern Democrats are as rare as southern Republicans were in 1963.  The point is, Johnson could rely on his Dixiecrat friends to avoid digging too deeply into the ugly truths of who really planned and executed the murder of a President for whom they bore no love.  Still in all, despite their political opposition to JFK, Russell, Sherman Cooper (Republican) and Boggs had misgivings about the commission’s findings that a single bullet struck both Kennedy and Connally.  Not until John McCloy came up with compromise language did the three dissenters acquiesce to the others’ magic-bullet charade.  But Russell, according to author Gerald McKnight, never understood the full ramifications of conceding to McCloy.  McKnight writes that, “Because of Russell’s chronic absenteeism he never fully comprehended that the final report’s no-conspiracy conclusion was inextricably tied to…the single-bullet theory.240 Cooper may have been similarly oblivious—he attended barely half the meetings.  Boggs’ attendance was also sporadic, but his dissent appeared to disturb the commission’s hierarchy more than others.  He was bugged and followed by the FBI for years, and he vehemently objected to J. Edgar Hoover’s Gestapo tactics.

Over the life of the commission, it was three of the Republicans who exerted the most influence on the eventual whitewash: Allen Dulles, Arlen Specter (Dulles’s intrepid and ambitious lawyer) and Congressman Gerald Ford.  Specter expertly badgered and discredited hostile witnesses (read, witnesses who had knowledge of conspiratorial activity) and concocted the magic-bullet scenario which allowed the commission to frame the dead patsy for the crime.  Because of the time constraints inherent in a frame count of the Zapruder film, Oswald had only six seconds to fire three shots, and two of them—the complete miss and the head shot—were already accounted for.  That left just one bullet to do the rest of the damage.  Specter’s strained contrivance took care of that problem for the plotters.  One bullet, he said, despite all evidence to the contrary, entered the President’s back, exited his throat, entered Connally’s back, broke his wrist, tore through his ribs, landed in his leg, and came out on a Dallas stretcher in pristine condition.  No one but Specter saw this as an even remotely logical occurrence; still it exists in the official record today, despite the fact that no bullet fired in the history of the world has ever duplicated this feat, and despite the fact that no Parkland medical personnel saw a rear entry wound on the President’s body.  The Bethesda doctors did see a rear entry wound, but the wound was too low on the President’s back to have exited his throat.  The only way that wound could have been made was by body alterationists in transit from Parkland to Bethesda.  The body alterationists created a wound that couldn’t be easily accounted for.  Specter tried, but he needed a big assist from Gerald Ford to complete the sham.

Read more at: www.amazon.com/dp/1948260085

Excerpt from my latest book, “JFK and the End of America”

The Kennedy assassination was just one of the many catastrophic attacks on the stability of American democracy that Bush and his family have been right in the thick of. Prescott and his partners, including the Dulles brothers and their clients, made a fortune from funding the rise of the Third Reich.  George H.W. helped organize and finance the Bay of Pigs.  He was instrumental in convincing Nixon to resign just days before he did. And in 1980, in an attempt to get himself and Ronald Reagan elected, Bush made a deal with the Iranians to delay the release of the American hostages until after the 1980 U.S. elections. Heinrich Rupp, another Nazi war criminal who went to work for the CIA after World War II, accompanied Bush, Vice Presidential candidate at the time, to Paris to meet with Iranian officials in the fall of 1980. The “October surprise” sank the Carter reelection bid and secured the election for the Reagan-Bush ticket; just months later, Bush almost gained the throne when Reagan was shot. The hostages were released on January 20, 1981, only minutes after Reagan and Bush were sworn into office. In return, Rupp promised release of Iran’s frozen assets, laying the groundwork for the Iran-Contra deal. So Rupp, the Paperclip Nazi, helped steal an election, control U.S. foreign policy, and precipitate one of the worst scandals of the 1980s.

As Vice President, Bush played a prominent role in the looting of Savings and Loans in the 1980s—covering up for the bad guys and making a tidy sum for all his crooked cronies. (Hyman Roth’s line from Godfather II comes to mind, “I always make money for my partners.”)  And, of course, George W., Bush’s son, was president when the 9/11 attacks occurred. W. himself may have been in Dealey Plaza on 11/22/63. One of the photos of the aftermath of the assassination depicts a young man bearing a stunning resemblance to W., 17 years old at the time, crossing Elm Street towards Houston sometime that afternoon. (W. was a prep student at the time, but might have been home on break.) There is no definitive proof that the Bushes were there, beyond the photographic speculation; however, H.W. Bush’s subsequent attitude and remarks about 11/22/63 cast doubt on his innocence.

Does the Bushes’ mere proximity to these events make them guilty? Maybe not, but whenever something horrible has happened to America in the last century, the Bushes should be one of the first families investigated.  Their labyrinthine connections to a subterranean world of oilmen, defense contractors, intelligence chiefs, ex-Nazis, drug dealers and international financiers create the appearance that they are at the heart of a secret empire that operates without oversight to manipulate and control the destiny of America for their own gain and the gain of their partners in the clandestine enterprise.  Their shrewd employment of tradecraft and deception and their close association with immense power brokers have kept them immune from prosecution of any sort; still, their dirty dealings are more than obvious to the critical eye.

The Bush family-George DeMohrenschildt relationship alone screams JFK assassination connection. The two Georges knew one another from their days in the Texas oil business, but after 11/22/63, H.W. appears to have cut ties with DeMohrenschildt. When Bush was appointed head of the CIA by Gerald Ford in 1976, DeMohrenschildt made an unwelcome return to Bush’s life. As the HSCA was gearing up to re-investigate the Kennedy assassination, DeMohrenschildt’s name resurfaced. The CIA under Bush, naturally, would want to suppress the Bush-DeMohrenschildt-Oswald link, but DeMohrenschildt got nervous and went public when he got spooked by mysterious government agents who began pressuring him. He got so fed up with it that he took the extraordinary measure of writing a letter to his old pal Bush. The letter, dated September 5, 1976, is written in intelligence-coded language that both Georges would have understood quite well. It contains the tone of a desperate man, begging the one person he knows can save him from his coming demise. It reads, in part, “Maybe you will be able to bring a solution to the hopeless situation I find myself in. My wife and I find ourselves surrounded by some vigilantes; our phone bugged; and we are being followed everywhere…[possibly by] FBI.” What exactly prompted DeMohrenschildt’s hopeless situation? He tells Bush that, “I tried to write, stupidly and unsuccessfully, about Lee H. Oswald and must have angered a lot of people,” and then implores Bush to “remove the net from around us.”231

When DeMohrenschildt sent the letter, he signed his own death warrant. No information could have been more dangerous to the CIA and Bush than their direct connection to the Kennedy assassination through Oswald’s best friend in Dallas before the assassination. The fact that DeMohrenschildt had attempted to reveal the truth of the assassination in his own book almost ensured that he would be called as a witness before the HSCA. Bush and the CIA could not allow this to happen.

Bush’s response to DeMohrenschildt was cordial, but sent a diabolically subtle and unmistakable message to his friend. It read, in part, “…my staff has been unable to find any indication of interest in your activities on the part of Federal authorities in recent years…I believe I can appreciate your state of mind in view of your daughter’s death a few years ago and the current poor state of your wife’s health.”232 Translation: The CIA has checked into your matter, and has found nothing to support your allegations that government agents are targeting you or that your life is in danger. It must all be a figment of your imagination due to your deteriorating mental condition, caused by your daughter’s death and your wife’s poor health. Contacting me was a huge mistake.

Read more at http://www.amazon.com/dp/1948260085

Article Indicts Jack Ruby As Accessory After The Fact

Political reporter Patrick Howley, writing in The Daily Caller, gives seven ironclad reasons Jack Ruby was part of the JFK assassination plot.  His article entitled “Why Jack Ruby Was Probably Part Of The Kennedy Conspiracy” is reprinted here in its entirety.

“Jack Ruby was convicted 50 years ago Friday for the murder of Lee Harvey Oswald. Ruby, born Jacob Leon Rubenstein in Chicago in 1911, shot Oswald out of some kind of deep-seated love for the president Oswald had just allegedly killed, according to the official version of events. But the real facts of Ruby’s mid-day November 24, 1963 shooting of Oswald on live national television do little to validate the Warren Commission Report.

Here are seven reasons Ruby likely killed Oswald as part of the conspiracy to assassinate John F. Kennedy:

1. He said so
‘Everything pertaining to what’s happening has never come to the surface. The world will never know the true facts, of what occurred, my motives. The people had, that had so much to gain and had such an ulterior motive for putting me in the position I’m in, will never let the true facts come above board to the world,’ Ruby said on film after he shot Oswald.
Asked if these men were in very high positions, Ruby replied, ‘Yes.’

2. He even suggested Lyndon Johnson ordered him to do it
‘When I mentioned about Adlai Stevenson, if he was vice president there would never have been an assassination of our beloved President Kennedy…Well the answer is the man in office now,’ Ruby said in 1963.

3. He was a known gangster
Jack Ruby ate at mafia-world restaurateur Joe Campisi’s Dallas restaurant the night before Kennedy was assassinated.
The House Select Committee on Assassinations found in a 1979 report that Ruby knew Chicago mob boss Sam Giancana, a close Kennedy crony and Fidel Castro assassination plot insider who helped Kennedy win Illinois in the 1960 presidential election. Kennedy and Giancana shared the same mistress, Judith Exner. After Kennedy took office, his brother and attorney general Robert Kennedy used the Justice Department to go after organized crime, even saying, ‘I want that dago Sam Giancana put away for good.’

4. Why was Oswald being led through the basement of Dallas Police Headquarters in plain sight, accessible to the crowd?
Ruby had easy access to Oswald and nobody tried to stop him before he ran up to the alleged Soviet sympathizer, who was walking while being held on both sides by Dallas police detectives Jim Leavelle and L.C. Graves.

‘Ruby’s shooting of Oswald was not a spontaneous act, in that it involved at least some premeditation. Similarly, the committee believed it was less likely that Ruby entered the police basement without assistance, even though the assistance may have been provided with no knowledge of Ruby’s intentions,’ the House Select Committee on Assassinations found in 1979.

‘The committee was troubled by the apparently unlocked doors along the stairway route and the removal of security guards from the area of the garage nearest the stairway shortly before the shooting… There is also evidence that the Dallas Police Department withheld relevant information from the Warren Commission concerning Ruby’s entry to the scene of the Oswald transfer,’ according to the committee.

5. Oswald was asking to be silenced
‘I’m just a patsy’ Oswald shouted to reporters while in custody before being briskly taken away.

6. Richard Nixon recognized Ruby, having hired him at Lyndon Johnson’s request years before
‘Nixon said, “The damn thing is, I knew this Jack Ruby. Murray [Chotiner] brought him to me in 1947, said he was one of ‘Johnson’s boys’ and that LBJ wanted us to hire him as an informant to the Committee. We did,”‘ former Nixon operative Roger Stone told The Daily Caller.

‘I think Nixon immediately recognized that LBJ was using one his operatives to do ‘clean up’ work on the murder of John Kennedy,’ Stone said.

7. The Warren Commission wouldn’t let him talk
‘I want to tell the truth, and I can’t tell it here,’ Ruby told Supreme Court Chief Justice Earl Warren in June 1964, after Warren and other commission members including Gerald Ford visited Ruby in Dallas. Warren, whose commission was hastily assembled at the behest of President Johnson to quell conspiracy theories, declined to transport Ruby to Washington, D.C. to testify about what really happened.”
http://www.amazon.com/Presidents-Mortician-Tim-Fleming/dp/098882907X